Month: December 2019

Maoists kill two tribal in Bihar branding them police informers.

Source – hindustantimes.com

Maoists on Saturday night killed two tribal in Bihar’s Lakhisarai district on the assumption that they were police informers. In the last 8 months in Bihar, the ultras have killed at least 20 civilians believing them to be spies.

The latest incident took place near the Baskund and Gobardaha villages, under the jurisdiction of Chanan police station in the district. The victims have been identified as Mogal Koda and Sanjay Koda.

Munger range DIG Manu Maharaaj said the two were picked up from their home and taken some distance away before they were gunned down. Locals recovered their bodies lying at two separate places on Sunday morning.

According to the reports, two separate group of Maoists entered the Baskund and Gobardaha villages at 11.50 pm and picked up the duo from their homes.

The outlaws dragged the men out even as their families pleaded the men’s innocence.

Villagers and members of the Koda families said police arrived late despite being informed. The villagers staged protests and demanded the arrest of the accused.

Police said Mogal was abducted from his home and taken to a nearby forest side road and killed.

“Several bullets were pumped into his body. The Maoists later left posters on the spot accusing Mogal of being a police informer,” police sources said.

Eight empty cartridges and two live bullets were recovered from the spot.

In the second incident, Maoist raided Sanjay Koda’s in-law’s house at Gobardaha village, dragged him out on gunpoint and shot him thrice in his chest before escaping.

Police said Sanjay, a resident of Laxmipur village in Jamui, was currently residing at his in-law’s house. Maoists left pamphlets alleging Sanjay and some other villagers had deserted the Maoists and become police informers.

In August 19, two people were gunned down by a group of heavily-armed Maoists under similar suspicion at a crowded market in Mananpur area of Lakhisarai district.

Lakhisarai is one of the four districts in Bihar that are most affected by Left-wing extremism. The other three are Gaya, Aurangabad and Jamui.

On November 8, cadres of the banned CPI (Maoist) killed a man in Aurangabad district after accusing him of being a police informer.

JPSC 6th Result: Government changed after completing five years, yet sixth JPSC exam incomplete.

Source – jagran.com

Ranchi, State Bureau. JPSC 6th Result The Sixth Civil Services Examination of Jharkhand Public Service Commission started in the year 2014 itself during the tenure of the then Hemant government. After this, the government of Raghuvar Das also changed after completing his five-year term. But this examination has not been completed till date. It is still pending after the order of the Jharkhand High Court. Now the candidates have great hope from the new government to complete this exam and start the next joint competition examination. This is also a challenge before the new government.

The then Hemant Soren government had changed the entire pattern of the Civil Services Examination on the recommendation of a high-level committee headed by former Chief Secretary VS Dubey. Applications were also sought in this light. Later, the government led by Raghuvar Das changed the pattern again, canceling this examination after the controversy. Also, the process of renewed joint civil service competition examination started in the year 2015-16. Its preliminary examination was also continuously disputed and due to this JPSC had to revise its result thrice.

In the first result released on 23 February 2017, 5,138 candidates were successful. The revised result was issued on 11 August 2017, directive of the Jharkhand High Court. In this, 965 candidates were more successful i.e. a total of 6,103 candidates. In this also, there was a dispute, the state government fixed the minimum marks for passing the preliminary examination and passed it to 34 thousand candidates. On the basis of this result, the main examination was also conducted.

Pending after court order

Later, after this case also went to court, the Jharkhand High Court has ordered to release the result of the main examination of the same candidates as per the revised result released on the order of the court on 21 October this year. The trouble of the state government and the JPSC increased after the latest court order. The result of the main examination should be released on the basis of the court’s order or this order is challenged, it could not be decided. Here, it is said that the candidates who are being affected by the High Court order have approached the Supreme Court.

Understanding the local, in Jharkhand and beyond.

Source – hindustantimes.com

Interpreting state election results is fraught with risk, as analysts combine explanations that rarely point in the same direction. The data suggests that state elections are fought and won on local lines, and that recognisable regional leadership can put a challenge to national political figures, as has happened in many of the recent assembly elections. At the same time, analysts try to interpret the meaning of the outcome in the larger political framework — national politics or the next state election.

In the recently concluded election in Jharkhand, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Mahagathbandan (MGB) of the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha, the Rashtriya Janata Party and the Congress have similar vote shares — 33.4% for the BJP and 32.6% for the MGB. But the margin suggests that the latter’s victory could easily have been a landslide but for a few thousand votes. Sixteen Members of Legislative Assembly have been elected with margins of less than 5%, nine of them from the BJP.

The MGB’s advantage lay in the tribal belts, where the JMM won 16 seats and the Congress six, against the BJP’s two. Participation was also higher in these areas, particularly the Santhal Parganas Division and the Kolhan Division, which the MGB swept. It’s proof that the alliance successfully channelised voters’ discontent with the incumbent’s performance. Given the relatively small size of the assembly — 81 seats — local and subregional dynamics are more likely to have had an impact on the outcome, more so than in larger states where those effects tend to be more diluted.

Another factor that played in favour of the alliance is the BJP’s decision to go alone in the polls. Its erstwhile partner, the All Jharkhand Students Union (AJSU), cost the party the vote share it needed to stay ahead. The AJSU’s effort to mobilise the Other Backward Castes — the Kurmis in particular — considerably harmed the BJP, particularly in central Jharkhand, where the Congress performed well even in urban seats.

In retrospect, the decision to go alone proved fatal for a BJP led by an unpopular chief minister. Jharkhand’s history, with no party ever winning a majority in the House since the creation of the state, should have informed the party of the uphill task. The cumulative vote share of the main contenders — the BJP, Congress and JMM — over the past four elections has been 49.9% in 2005, 51.6% in 2009, 62% in 2014 and 68.7% in 2019, respectively. Even though the vote share of the main contenders is steadily going up, it still leaves one out of three voters not opting for any of the major contenders. It signifies the importance of local factors as well as local political forces.

Among the national parties, the Jharkhand success shows the Congress that it pays off to assume the role of junior partner in a pre-electoral alliance. Its candidates underperformed compared to the JMM candidates, particularly when in direct contest with the BJP. The Congress had a difficult task against the BJP in urban and general seats, but contesting fewer seats compensated for its comparative weakness of having no visible leadership. It left the stage to Hemant Soren, who was projected as the chief ministerial candidate. The Jharkhand results may lead the party to reconsider its alliance strategies in upcoming elections in Delhi and Bihar.read more

For the BJP, this is an opportunity to rethink its strategy in state elections. Though one can argue that the party has maintained its vote share, the Jharkhand result is a setback, particularly when some of its national policies are backfiring and the economy continues to be weak. Even if there is no clear impact of the current national controversies in the Jharkhand election, the fact that the BJP campaigned exactly on those issues and lost shows these issues have little endorsement at the regional level. They don’t seem to compensate for the state government’s lacklustre performance.

The BJP’s post-2014 winning spree in state polls created an image of the party’s dominance, if not hegemony. The results of the last six state elections show that while the BJP uses its strengths to make inroads in new political spaces, it is unable to use the same cards to retain power. This will have far-reaching consequences for the BJP at the Centre, which will become increasingly dependent on non-BJP states to implement its policies. Many chief ministers — including within the National Democratic Alliance — going back on the National Register of Citizens is one of the first examples of future hurdles.

In such a situation, the BJP is left with only two options. Either it tightens its grip on the organisation and centralises powers further, including pushing on levers against state governments. Or it gives some leeway to its state organisations and regional leaders, and lets them lead the fight on local or regional terms. One can, though, argue that the BJP normally doesn’t let its grip go on its regional structure. The alternative would be the route chosen by Indira Gandhi, who, faced with mounting challenges from the states, both from within and outside her party, concentrated powers further to the point of rupture with democratic norms.

Jharkhand: Local issues win over BJP’s Hindutva and vikas model.

Source – hindustantimes.com

At a Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) rally in the Jamtara constituency for the Jharkhand assembly elections, Uttar Pradesh chief minister Yogi Adityanath asked the crowd: “Koi Irfan Ansari jitega toh Ram Mandir kaise banega? (If some Irfan Ansari wins, how will Ram Mandir be constructed?)”. This was just one of the many instances of how BJP leaders used the Ram Mandir, the reading down of Article 370, the Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA) and the National Register of Citizens (NRC) to mobilise voters on communal lines in the elections.

In Jamtara, Irfan Ansari, the gathbandhan’s candidate, supported by voters of all communities, won by a margin of more than 35,000 votes. Not just in Jamtara, but gathbandhan’s decisive win across Jharkhand shows that voters were not impressed with the BJP’s Hindutva agenda. Rather than gaining, the BJP ended up losing a few seats as compared to 2014. The gathbandhan, comprising the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM), the Congress and the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), won 47 seats (JMM – 30, Congress – 16, RJD – 1), while the BJP secured only 25 (down from 37 in 2014) in the 81-seat assembly.

The results have surprised many as the BJP (with All Jharkhand Student Union party) won 12 of 14 Lok Sabha seats in the state only six months ago. In the general elections, the BJP was able to sway voters on Hindutva, nationalism and its so-called “vikas” model. But this time, the party paid dearly for the widespread unpopularity of chief minister Raghubar Das and its severing of ties with the All Jharkhand Student Union, which is supported by an OBC base. The striking takeaway is that, unlike the Lok Sabha election, this time, people voted mainly on misgovernance and failures of the BJP-led government. The opposition parties also played their role in mobilising voters on local issues.

The BJP’s “vikas” model – roads, toilets, houses and LPG cylinders – may have got the party some votes. But the general neglect of welfare – food security, social security schemes, public health and education – cost the party many more. Disruptions in the Public Distribution System due to its linkage with Aadhaar was a common complaint across the state. The breakdown of food security schemes also led to the death of at least 23 persons because of starvation.

Both the state and central BJP leadership often referred to the Das government’s work as “double-engine vikas” i.e. development powered by same party at state and Centre. This was also a key pitch in this election campaign. But it failed to cut ice in the face of rising unemployment, stagnating rural wages and economic insecurities of people.

There was increasing disconnect between the government and the needs of the people, exemplified in tribal areas (Scheduled Tribes comprise 26% of the total population). Despite increasing its cultural and political footprint in the 28 Adivasi Vidhan Sabha seats over the years, the BJP could win only two (whereas it got 11 in 2014). In the last five years, the party gained the reputation of being detrimental to tribal interests. A major reason was the attempts by the government to forcefully acquire tribal land for corporates. To this effect, the government repeatedly tried to amend local tenancy laws. It was forced to abort these efforts after they were met with massive protests across the state. The repressive response of the government to several protests against these policies alienated the tribals further.

To weaken the protests, the state government tried to divide the adivasis on religious identity. It formulated the anti-conversion act and used it to pit non-Christian adivasis against Christian ones. The blatantly communal agenda of the government was further exposed by the series of mob lynching incidents. Since 2014, Jharkhand has witnessed the highest number of incidents of lynching against Muslims and tribals – mostly triggered by rumours of consumption, smuggling or slaughter of cows. In many cases, local leaders of the BJP or other members of saffron groups were involved or extended tacit support to the perpetrators.

To the opposition’s credit, it focused on people’s issues throughout its campaign and effectively exposed the failures of the government. Unlike in the Lok Sabha elections when the opposition failed to get its act together on the ground, the parties, mainly JMM, mobilised people through yatras, rallies and door-to-door campaigning. The opposition could communicate its commitments and messages clearly to the voters. Moving beyond the traditional Adivasi vote base, the JMM was able to make inroads amongst the electorally significant backward caste voters (OBCs comprise about 35% of population). It was also successful in consolidating votes on the question of “Jhakhandi” identity as opposed to BJP’s Hindutva.

Despite driving its campaign with a “double engine” fuelled by 20 rallies of Modi and Amit Shah, the BJP, as expected, is trying to distance its national leadership from the loss. But the result is as much a reflection on state government’s failure as a statement against the BJP’s communal and divisive politics. As massive people protests against the CAA and NRC continue across the country, the Jharkhand result comes as an electoral referendum against the two policies. The question is will the national Opposition take a leaf from this result and take a clear stand against BJP’s Hindutva in the days to come.

Jharkhand is a mandate of the poor, for their rights.

Source – hindustantimes.com

The verdict for the Jharkhand assembly is, first and foremost, a verdict in favour of a new localism, and is a reflection of people’s voice overwhelming the arena of state elections in India.

One key issue, which helps frame the meaning of the verdict, is the struggle of adivasis against purported amendments to their land rights by the Raghubar Das-led Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government, with its acquisition deemed unjust in the name of intended development. At an even deeper level, the protest of poor people on this and other related issues of their rights as tribal citizens — specially through the pathalgadi movement— brings to fore their belief in the salience of the Constitution and voting or matdan as a preferred form of political change. At the very least, it is the “demand side” of politics, especially from the asymmetrically placed poor voter, powerless and vulnerable, that has overwhelmed and realigned the “supply side” on offer from political parties.

Conventional vectors used to understand Jharkhand fail to explain this new turn. For one, the verdict is not just about identities of the tribal, nor is it about the manipulation of patronage and money — for long considered the bane of Jharkhand politics. Nor are the outcomes simply a reflection of the overwhelming “arithmetic” of the coalition.

First the outcome itself: The formidable majority obtained by the pre-poll alliance of the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM), the Congress, and the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), is a historic first for this alliance in general, and the JMM in particular. Since Jharkhand was formed in November 2000, following its bifurcation from the erstwhile larger state of Bihar, and since its first state election 2005, the 81-member assembly has always seen fragmented verdicts, with post-poll coalitions being stitched to form governments.

The BJP championed the struggle for the new state. But it has only ruled with the support of the JMM, and, subsequently, with the support of the All Jharkhand Students Union led by Sudesh Mahto, and by engineering defections from Jharkhand Vikas Morcha led by Babulal Marandi — an erstwhile BJP chief minister (CM).

In 2014, the BJP central leadership decided to appoint a non-tribal leader as CM in Raghubar Das. The understanding was that at just about 27% of the population, and with sub-tribal internal differences such as those between the Santhals, Mundas, and Oraons, the BJP could play a “caste plus tribe politics” of vote banks. This would include the Mahtos (17%) under the leadership of ally Sudesh Mahto, and forward castes and urban voters. It is noteworthy that in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, as the Hindustan Times reported on November 2, the Narendra Modi-led BJP polled 70% of the Other Backward Classes (OBC) vote, 60% of the upper-caste vote, and 65% of the Hindu Scheduled Tribe votes.

In the state elections, however, this assumption of a fused tribe-caste vote bank in favour of the BJP proved erroneous. Tribal fears about dilution of the Chotanagpur Tenenacy Act (1908), and the Santhal Pargana Tenancy Act (1949) were rampant. The CM had, in the assembly, moved an amendment to the central land acquisition Act, such that the state government was no longer required to conduct social impact assessments, provide for schools, colleges; nor social security for the displaced.

On many occasions, paltry sums were given to the tribals in exchange for land. This stoked fears among the tribals. After all, Shibu Soren earned the name of being the “Dishom Guruji” for having struggled to free the tribal poor from the clutches of the money lender, and to get their land back. The pathalgadi movement, centred in Khoonti, was a movement in revolt. A constitutional protest, it sought to uphold the rights of tribals under Panchayat (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, and the role of gram sabha in prior consent to developmental schemes, and was an assertion of their human rights. Citizens cast these constitutional rights in stones, pathal, and erected these outside their village boundaries. The state government responded with force, and more than 10,000 FIRs were registered on protesting tribals. The JMM campaign was pitched primarily on the issue of land-rights of tribals. It also promised implementation of the recommendations of the Sachar Committee report, and reservations in jobs for locals in the private sector. An alliance of tribals, minorities, and the poor among caste Hindus coalesced on the ground to support the coalition that Hemant Soren will lead, reaping the legacy of his father.

For the BJP, the lessons are simple. For a party that had strong foundations in the Jharkhand area, and among the tribals, the unabashed adoption of developmentalism alienating tribal rights cannot be premised in majoritarianism or strong political backing of the Centre. The party needs to go back to the grassroots, where it has a base of work with the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashrams and other educational activities.

Many would like to see this as a return of the regional party politics, a victory of loose coalitions against a strong centre, a format prevalent since the 1990s. However, when one aligns oneself to the ground, listening to the voices of the poor, and adopts a lens of political geography that foregrounds the meaning of Jharkhand, it is clear that this is a massive mandate of the poor.

Bihar To Hold Constable Recruitment Exam Next Year.

Source – ndtv.com

Central Selection Board of Constables (CSBC), Bihar will hold the written examination for selection of Constables on January 12 and January 20, 2020. The examination will be OMR-based and will be held in two shifts on each of the two days.

The e-admit cards for candidates who applied for Constable recruitment will be released on the CSBC website on December 30, 2019. On the day of the exam, candidates would need to carry their admit card along with a photo identity card.

In case, the photograph of the candidate on the e-admit card is not clear, they will need to bring two passport size photographs, similar as the one on the application form and clicked within 2 months, to the exam centre.

Candidates who are unable to download their admit cards form the Board’s website for any reason, can collect their admit card from the Board’s office on January 6 and January 7, 2020 between 10 am and 5 pm.

The roll number-wise list of exam venues will be released on CSBC website on January 9, 2020. Candidates are advised to cross-check the same with the venue mentioned on their admit card.

The board has also released OMR-specimen on the website. Candidates can go through the same and practice filling the same to avoid any errors on the day of the exam.

CSBC had announced 11,880 Constable vacancies available with Bihar Police, Bihar Military Police (BMP), Special India Reserve Battalion (SIRB) and Bihar State Industrial Security Battalion (BSISB). The application process was conducted in October.

Bihar Police Constable Admit Card 2019-20 for 11880 Posts to Release on 30 Dec @csbc.bih.nic.in, Exam from 12 Jan.

Source – jagranjosh.com

Bihar Police Constable Admit Card 2019-20: Central Selection Board of Constable (CSBC), Bihar Police has announced the Admit Card Date and Exam Date for the post of Constable, against advertisement number 02/2019. As per the official notice, Bihar Police Constable Exam Admit Card will be released on 30 December 2019 i.e. on Monday on CSBC official website csbc.bih.nic.in. No admit card will be sent through post.

Bihar Police Constable Exam is scheduled to be held on 12 January (Sunday) and 20 January 2020 (Monday) in two shifts.  First shift will start from 10 AM and second shift from 2 PM.  The exam will be conducted for 2 hours. Candidates have to report at 9 AM and 1 PM respectively. Bihar Police Constable Written test will have objective type questions of 100 marks. The level of the exam will be 10+2.

Bihar Police SI Exam will be held on 22 December 2019 (Sunday) at various exam centres of Bihar. The exam will be of 200 marks. There will be 100 questions on General Knowledge and Current Affairs. Candidates will be required to a minimum of 30% marks. The duration of the test is 2 hours.

Candidates who have applied for the exam can download Bihar Police Constable Admit Card from 30 Dec onwards and appear for the on scheduled date and time.

 Candidates should carry their CSBC Constable Admit Card along with a valid photo Id proof at the examination centre.

Candidates who would not be able to download Bihar Police Constable e-Admit Card from official website can get their Bihar Police Constable Admit Card duplicate admit card from CSBC office on 06 and  07 January 2020.

The board will also upload the Roll-Number wise Bihar Police Constable Exam Centre List on its official website.

The exam is being conducted for the recruitment of 11880 posts of Constable in Bihar Police, Bihar Military Police (BMP), Special India Reserve Battalion (SIRB) and Bihar State Industrial Security Battalion (BSISB).

WBPSC releases vacancies for multiple positions; check at pscwbonline.gov.in

Source – scroll.in

West Bengal Public Service Commission (WBPSC) has invited application for multiple positions through various advertisements. The applications are invited for Udyan Palan Projukti Sahayak, Management Information Coordinator, and Assistant Engineer (Agri-Irrigation) positions at the official website, pscwbonline.gov.in.

The number of vacancies for Udyan Palan Projukti Sahayak for Food Processing Industries and Horticulture, Govt of WB is 20, for MIS Coordinator for Mid-Day Meal in School Scheme 11, and for Assistant Engineer (Agri-Irrigation and Agri-Electrical) 15 vacancies.

The application process for all the above-mentioned positions will start from today at the WBPSC application website and the last day to apply for these positions is January 15th, 2020.

The last day to pay the application fees online is also January 15th and offline payment can be done until January 16th but the challan for the same needs to be generated online by January 15th, 2020.

The candidates are advised to go through the official notification for all the positions before proceeding to apply for the same for more information on the vacancy breakdown, application process, reservation policy, qualification, eligibility among other details. 

Sweaters team up with raincoats in Jharkhand.

Source – telegraphindia.com

Chilly, foggy and wet. Jharkhand woke up to a freaky Thursday, with the weather god showering unseasonal rain at many places, including Ranchi and Jamshedpur.

Kuru in Lohardaga district topped the rain-o-meter with 28mm while the IMD observatory in capital Ranchi recorded over 20mm of rain.

Ramgarh, Hindgir (Ranchi district), Putki (Dhanbad district), Dhanbad town and Tenughat (Bokaro district) recorded around 10mm rain in the past 24 hours (between 8.30am of Wednesday and 8.30am of Thursday).

Intermittent rain was also reported from Bokaro, Khunti, Chaibasa and places in Seraikela-Kharsawan. Steel city Jamshedpur also saw light intermittent showers.

The weather conditions resulted in an interesting temperature flip-flop. Maximum or day readings came down by 4-6°C notches below normal , while minimum or night readings rose due to formation of clouds and heavy moisture inflow into the atmosphere.

Ranchi on Thursday recorded a maximum temperature of 16°C against Wednesday’s 19.7 °C. Thursday’s day reading was four notches below normal. In Jamshedpur, the day reading dropped to 19.4°C on Thursday, five notches below normal. On Wednesday, the IMD observatory here had recorded day temperature of 24.9°C. Day temperature also saw a fall in several other districts, including Daltonganj, Dhanbad, Bokaro, Hazaribgah, Koderma and other districts in Santhal Pargana.

Minimum temperatures hovered between 12 to 15 °C (three to four notches above normal) in most parts of the state on Thursday.

S.C. Mandal, the acting director of Ranchi Meteorological Centre, predicted an improvement in weather condition from Friday. “Light rains will be experienced in several pockets till late in the night today (Thursday). But, we are expecting dry weather from Fridat as the impact of the anti-cyclone prevailing over Jharkhand and neighbouring Chhattisgarh would wane, ” he said.

The weatherman extended the forecast of shallow to moderate fog for the next 48 hours.

Residents scurried for cover as the day temperature saw a plunge. I prefered to stay indoors while my husband wore a raincoat to office,” said Purnima Singh, a homemaker in Sonari.

Train timings hit

The prevailing cold wave in northern parts of India has thrown into disarray the schedules of many long-distance trains coming to Tatanagar from New Delhi and other destinations.

Thursday’s Rajdhani Express between New Delhi and Bhubaneswar via Tatanagar ran 10 hours late. The schedule arrival time of Rajdhani Express at Tatanagar is 10.30am but the train was expected to reach around 9pm.

The Puri-bound Purushottam Superfast Express, scheduled to reach Tatanagar at 8pm, was also late by three hours. The Haridwar to Puri Utkal Kalinga Express was also running late for the second consecutive day on Thursday. Against its correct arrival time of 8.20pm the train was expected at Tatanagar on Thursday around 10.30pm.

The New Delhi-Puri

Neelanchal Express fared no better. Against its arrival time of 7.30am on Thursday, it reached Tatanagar at 2.30pm. The Amritsar-Tata Jammu-Tawi Express, scheduled to reach Tatanagar at 10.30am, reached at 1.30pm, after a delay of three hours.

Railway authorities blamed the fog and cold wave for the delays.

Jharkhand Results Indicate That AAP Will Sweep Delhi Polls: Sanjay Singh.

Source – ndtv.com

New Delhi: Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) leader Sanjay Singh on Wednesday said that the Jharkhand Assembly poll results indicate that his party will come back to power for a second consecutive term in Delhi.

“It is evident that AAP will come back to power in Delhi with a thumping majority. The results of Jharkhand indicate that now elections will be fought on local issues. Today, inflation, education, health are real issues. We have worked on these issues in Delhi,” Mr Singh told reporters in Delhi.

“Jharkhand results indicate that the people of Delhi will make Kejriwal win with a big majority. People will vote for the work done,” he said.

In Jharkhand, BJP suffered a major defeat as Jharkhand Mukti Morcha-led alliance, including Congress and Rashtriya Janata Dal, secured a comfortable majority bagging 47 seats in the 81-member Assembly.

Delhi, where 70 seats are at stake will go to poll early next year. In 2015, the ruling AAP registered a landslide victory by winning 67 seats.